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Cultural Origins (4) Within the context of the Mwari cult in the Matopos Hills, the spirit medium, the svikiro, follows a line of succession. Outside the cult, ancestral spirits choose their own mediums. Possession of a medium is usually presaged by illness or sickness and possession is indicated by a trancelike state. The moral standards of a medium must be impeccable as they set a precedent for the rest of the Shona society. The mhondoro spirit medium historically determined the choice of king and today he determines the choice of chief. During the war leading up to Independence, spirit mediums played a highly significant role. Rather than acting in the interests of the individual, which is the role of the svikiro, the mhondoro acts in the interests of the tribe or those living in a particular territory. He is responsible for the ecological stability of the territory and he determines certain areas of the environment sacred. He also determines the day of the rain ceremony - in certain areas, if a black cloth is put out to themhondoro it is believed that rain will fall. In rural areas, the spirit mediums still exercise a degree of social control. The mhondoro in Gurtive near Tengenenge is particularly influential. In a news programme on Zimbabwe television on January 27, 1988 it was reported that there was a reluctance among local residents to use an anti-worm pesticide until the mhondoro of the area had sanctioned its use. Many of Zimbabwe's Shona sculptors attribute their ability to induction by a shave, a special skill or talent handed on to a Shona by members of his patrilineal fami1y or from an alien spirit outside of his lineage. Traditionally the skills of the Shona such as pottery-making or ironworking or hunting are considered the result of induction by the shave. While the alien shave is concerned only about being host to an individual, the ancestral shave, in bestowing talent upon the individual, acts in the interests of the patrilineal family as a whole. Shona religion has little observance or practice which requires the use of related objects with power or function outside their objecthood. Exceptions are the ritual objects used by diviners or healers such as the n'anga, whose approach to medicine is traditional yet holistic and involves the use of natural herbs in the course of treatment of mind and body. Other objects are walking sticks or tsvimbo used by spirit mediums, often the property of ancestors whose spirits possessed the mediums and were given to the niediums by the ancestors' families. In addition to belonging to their chiefdom or lineage, the Shona belong to their clan or totem. This is an association similar to the membership of a club. It has nothing to do with chiefdom or tribe or genealogical association but expresses similar allegiances and claims similar loyalties. The clan or totem is named after an animal, for example the rhinoceros totem, or the elephant totem. Members of a clan or totem are supposed to have been descended from an unspecified ancestor, although they have no traceable kinship ties. Totem or clan membership has a strong association with geographical region. When a Shona woman marries, she takes on the clan or totem of her husband and if divorced she returns to the clan of her father. Clan membership is exogamous - persons may not marry a member of their clan or totem. Punishment is also given to those who cat the meat of their clan or totem. There is no ritual or ceremony attached to belonging to a clan or totem. However, members of a clan or totem experience a relationship similar to that of kinship and lineage. The clan or totem often provides subject matter for Shona sculptors, for example, a woman can be depicted turning into a rhinoceros, the punishment for eating rhinoceros meat. Shona ontology does not include the structured worship of spirits, and their presence is seldom recognised or observed from the occasional propitiation ceremony. There are no collective public displays of belief or places of worship apart from the Mwari shrine in the Matopos Hills. There are no prophets, priests, clergy or saints. There are no people assigned special spiritual powers apart from the svikiro and mhondoro. There is no theology as such, and no persons in positions of religious authority to determine what is to he believed. Shona religion is not doctrinal, although it is responsible for the establishment of moral order. The importance of fertility to the ancestral spirits shows that Shona beliefs are important to the lives of rural people. To date there has been no modification of Shona beliefs or reconstruction to meet the needs of urbanised Shona. Shona beliefs have no written laws or commandments. Belief is not institutionalised; it is a highly personal matter between the living and the dead, the mortal and spiritual realm, inclusive of all. Traditional Shona beliefs have taken their toll from the effects of the teaching of some Christian missionaries. Some missionaries have forced their Shona converts to completely renounce their traditional beliefs which at worst have been considered devil worship. The importance of these beliefs to the Shona today is shown by the proliferation of independent churches in Zimbabwe which, taking a syncretic approach, have modified Christian forms of worship and doctrinal standpoints to accommodate Shona traditional beliefs with little or no conflict of interest. These churches realise the importance of lineage, clan and totem, communication with ancestors and the relationship between the living and the dead to the Shona people. The growth of independent churches means that many Shona today are exploring more fully their traditional beliefs and sustaining their efficacy in contemporary society in Zimbabwe. At a grass roots level, there is a developed perception of traditional cultural observances and values, particularly among rural Shona. Traditional beliefs among both urban and rural Shona are living beliefs. Hence stone sculpture produced by the Shona has a cultural significance which is to a degree empirical and must be treated as such.
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